By John G. Gurley
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Extra resources for China's Economy and the Maoist Strategy
To what degree the effect of the rise in age, whatever it was, may have been offset by an increase in the proportion of women in paid work is also not clear. Movement off the farm and the rise of nonfarm employment surely enlarged women's opportunities for work outside the home, and the expense of urban life would have pressed women to take such work. 3). Having regard to these various considerations, we believe that the contributions of labor quality change to productivity growth in the second half of the nineteenth century would have been smaller than even the quite low contributions suggested by our estimates for the early years of the twentieth century.
5). In the nineteenth century taken as a whole, and more particularly in the second half, the growth of tangible capital per manhour was the most important proximate source of labor productivity growth. It was largely responsible for the great speed-up of growth between the first and second halves of the nineteenth century. S. macroeconomic growth in the nineteenth century presented here differs in some particulars from that in Robert Gallman's chapter in Volume II of The Cambridge Economic History of the United States.
17 The percentage was still as high as 65 in 1890. By 1989, it was only 37. Much of the decline, of course, represents only the inelasticity of demand for basic necessities as income rises. But the point is that it is within the rising margin for expenditure on products beyond the provision for these basic necessities that the great changes in the character of goods and services and in the quality of products has taken place, and these are largely the developments of the twentieth century. Major twentieth-century developments in transportation, communications, information, and entertainment and, most important of all, in the provision of health care and the length of life itself transformed the character and quality of life for people.