By Eduardo Moncada
This article analyzes and explains the ways that significant constructing global towns reply to the problem of city violence. The examine indicates how the political initiatives that towns release to confront city violence are formed through the interplay among city political economies and styles of armed territorial keep an eye on. It introduces enterprise as a pivotal actor within the politics of city violence, and argues that how company is prepared inside of towns and its linkages to neighborhood governments affects even if enterprise helps or subverts kingdom efforts to stem and forestall city violence. a spotlight on urban mayors unearths that the measure to which politicians depend upon clientelism to safe and hold energy impacts whether or not they favour responses to violence that perpetuate or weaken neighborhood political exclusion. Read more...
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Extra resources for Cities, business, and the politics of urban violence in Latin America
Methodology The empirical analysis for this book draws on several forms of data collected during various periods of field research that I carried out between 2008 and 2011, totaling approximately eighteen months in the field. Because of the multilevel nature of my analysis, I collected data from multiple actors and institutions situated at distinct levels of the state. My field research strategy consisted of conducting interviews, collecting archival materials, and engaging in participant observation exercises at the national, regional, city, and neighborhood levels.
By the 1840s the Liberal and Exclusionary Political Order in Colombia 37 Conservative political movements had become formal parties (Schmidt 1974, 97) headed by notables, or jefes naturales (natural leaders), whose power and influence stemmed in part from their familial ties to respected military and economic leaders. Both Liberal and Conservative party leaders harnessed and organized subnational clientelist networks to support their national electoral ambitions. Party leaders forged coalitions of regional caudillos whose capacity to deliver votes during national elections was premised on securing the loyalty of the landed elite patrons (Archer 1990).
Whereas the low level of lethal violence under atomized territorial control stems from the limited coercive capacities of armed actors, low lethal violence under a monopoly results in part from the lack of competition among the armed actors grouped under the criminal hegemon. Both atomized and monopolistic settings offer practical and political benefits for political projects that move beyond the reactionary status quo. An obvious practical benefit of having a low level of lethal violence is that it provides a more stable security environment into which local government personnel, Rethinking the Politics of Urban Violence 23 infrastructure, and resources can be safely introduced.